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Joel Netshitenzhe

Article: Letter from Tshwane


27 October 2000

Battling with too much incomplete data

There has been much discussion recently on the country’s progress in dealing with socio-economic disparities we inherited. Notably, most commentators agree that special measures are needed to deal with poverty and inequality.

What escapes rigorous treatment though is the quality of data we use.

How far have we moved from statistical information that focussed mainly on the privileged and their economic activity, pretending that millions in bantustans and the "temporary sojourners" did not exist? This is the challenge that we face: to join the statistical revolution led by Statistics SA, at the same time as we search for answers from information currently available.

This requires vigilance and rigour. A wrong base on births and deaths, for instance, can lead to unnecessary scares or, conversely, to complacency.

One commentator puts it quite succinctly: "Reduction of poverty and inequality has been a central concern of South Africa’s government since 1994. Yet quantitative description and analysis in this field has been slow to emerge. The main reason is that evidence has had to be built up … from a very limited historical base"1.

Emphasise absolute figures in government socio-economic programmes and you can easily send Tshwane into a frenzy of self-praise. Those who belong in the past will then wonder, like the famous Marie Antoniette, why if the poor do not have bread, they cannot eat cake!

Utilise a wrong base, or confine discussion on inequality to incomes, and you can send a whole nation into depression, with accusations and counter-accusations that take the country nowhere.

This is the problem with the oft-touted figure of 400 000 jobs lost since 1996.

In the first instance, these figures are based on the Survey of Total Employment and Earnings (STEE). The survey covers only three-quarters of formal employment and just under half of total employment, omitting sectors that have grown quickly as the structure of the economy changes towards service and knowledge-based industries and informal employment.

Secondly, the latest figures from the October Household Survey (OHS) which covers all components of the labour market shows unemployment rising from 1996 (19,3%) to 1998 (25,2%); but declining to 23,3% in 19992.

The level is still too high. Besides, the income in the informal sector is often a pittance; and casual workers in activities contracted out are extremely vulnerable. But to ignore all the other facts is to deprive ourselves of the tools to deal with the total challenge, including the changing structure of the economy.

The same question arises on issues of poverty and nutrition.

The National Food Consumption Survey prepared by the Department of Health (to be released shortly) examines nutrition especially among children. It notes deficiencies in essential nutrients such as vitamins, while welcoming improvements in socio-economic conditions. And, correctly, it calls for a national food fortification programme. "At national level", the report says, "the nutritional status of younger children has not improved but does also not appear to have deteriorated…"3

Yet some commentators, using the same report argue that "micronutrient malnutrition … has increased since 1994 " and "half of our country’s children have become malnourished"4.

The State of South Africa’s Population Report 2000, released recently by the Department of Social Development identifies some of the problems of economies under globalisation. It warns of the gulf between mainly urban middle and upper classes who benefit from the communications revolution, and the poor who are excluded.

Basing itself on the measure of income inequality (Gini coefficient), the authors conclude: "Unemployment and social inequality are increasing in South Africa"5. There was heated debate here in Tshwane on this conclusion – until we noticed that their employment data didn’t go beyond 1998.

On inequality, this report, read with the Stats SA’s recent publication, "Measuring Poverty in SA", does provide profound insights: While inequality among "population groups" has been decreasing, it has increased among Africans. In other words, the African middle strata are the foremost beneficiaries of social transformation.

But there is an important rider: the analysis is confined to earned income (from salaries, wages and self-employment). "Focussing on earned income … provides an approximate measure as to what the inequality situation would be without … state assistance", says Stats SA6.

This brings us back to OHS and other indicators of socio-economic activity. Net enrolment in primary education, literacy and access to safe water, sanitation, electricity and telephones have increased – as a result government development programmes. How do we build this "social wage" into indicators of poverty and inequality? Stats SA is working on the problem. Soon, we won’t have to refer across many reports to develop a complete picture of ourselves.

Watch this space!

Joel Netshitenzhe
CEO, GCIS
Issued by Government Communication and Information System (GCIS)
Published in Independent Newspapers

1 Charles Simkins, Introduction: Measuring Poverty in SA (Statistics SA)
2 Statistics SA, October Household Survey 1999
3 Department of Health, National Food Consumption Survey: Executive Summary
4 Zarina Maharaj, Grassroots Column, Business Review (17/10/00)
5 Department of Social Development, The State of South Africa’s Population Report 2000, pp10/11
6 Statistics SA, Measuring Poverty in South Africa, p83

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